Metro

We shoulda known

When a recent conversation turned to a be leaguered Gov. Paterson, a New York official aimed a barb at journalists. “How many articles took a close look at Paterson before he became lieutenant governor?” the official asked.

It was a rhetorical question, the answer obvious: approximately none.

The conversation was before Paterson’s fatal troubles emerged, which makes the lesson even more poignant. Had the press and public looked closer, Paterson would not be in a position to hold the entire state hostage to his problems.

Consider that, as New York teeters on the brink of insolvency, Paterson’s actions have sparked two major criminal investigations. Even in Albany, that’s got to be a record for someone in office less than two years.

His failures are not merely defined by personal popularity, nor are they captured in that reliable chestnut about an inability to be an effective leader. It’s far worse.

The issue is integrity. Nobody — nobody — trusts his word.

Paterson was a political fixture for more than 20 years before Eliot Spitzer (pictured at right with Paterson) made him his running mate in 2006, but, like most lieutenant governors, he escaped scrutiny during the campaign. The job holder is standby equipment, and most don’t get to be Top Dog.

Paterson did, and evidence against his character appeared instantly.

On the day he was sworn in, he admitted to extramarital affairs and cocaine use. Coming after the Spitzer hooker scandal, it was a bizarre beginning, but Paterson defended the confession by saying he feared political opponents and the state police who knew about his past would use it against him.

In hindsight, the incident revealed a disturbing pattern that associates have long noticed. Despite a disarming charm and sharp wit, he can appear paranoid, and he reacts to supposed plots of enemies with odd and often unscrupulous behavior.

He did exactly that in the run-up to the domestic-violence scandal involving top aide David Johnson that has swallowed his future. As rumors spread about a bombshell article in the works as he was set to launch his campaign, Paterson went on offense, attacking the media for portraying him as “racialized and sexualized.”

He met with the New York Times Feb. 8 to downplay the domestic-violence case and denounced its reporters for digging into it. It was part of his strategy of painting himself as a victim of “special interests,” often with racial and class overtones.

It was bold — and breathtakingly dishonest. Paterson had to know his State Police detail already had inappropriately met several times with the woman involved. And the day before the meeting, Paterson himself had talked to her.

Whatever he said, the next day, as he was swearing his innocence to the Times, she skipped a court appearance and the case against his close aide was dismissed.

Then last week, just before the Times published those and other details, Paterson tried to head off the firestorm by suddenly suspending Johnson and asking the State Police and Attorney General Andrew Cuomo to investigate.

The late-night order was a sham and possibly a cover-up, which Cuomo demolished by telling the police to “stand down” from their probe.

So now, the governor himself is a focus of Cuomo’s investigation and the federal probe into the questionable decision to award the Aqueduct slots contract.

A power-broker member of the winning group, the Rev. Floyd Flake, who earlier expressed support for Cuomo, was called to a meeting with Paterson to talk about the campaign only days after getting the lucrative contract. Losing firms say the process was rigged to favor Flake’s group, and some in the Legislature agree.

In one or both cases, the governor could face charges.

For his wife and children and his father, Basil, Paterson’s sudden demise is a personal tragedy. As the state’s first black governor and legally blind, he could have been an inspiration.

Yet New York’s imminent fiscal collapse allows no time for pity or patience. Paterson has irrevocably squandered the basic element of trust that is essential to retaining the consent of the governed.

His determination to finish the term is no more admirable or realistic than the campaign he aborted after six tumultuous days. He had his chance.

If he will not resign this week, articles of impeachment must be drawn.

One way or another, it’s over. He must get out of the way so New York can move forward.

Ineptitude finally finds its own level

The marathon Washington health-care summit didn’t move the ball, but there was one good thing about it: The frank comments to President Obama reminded me of the British parliamentary showdowns where the prime minister is fair game for criticism and hoots from the opposition.

We could stand more of that here. A lot more.

Obama, like all modern presidents, is locked in an imperious bubble that shields him from honest human contact. Even at press conferences, journalists rise when he enters the room and he stands behind a lectern while they sit.

Yet on Thursday, he was sitting on a chair like everybody else. To judge by his reaction, Obama didn’t like being on a level playing field.

He pulled rank and talked too much, got testy and lapsed into boring lectures when facts failed him. He missed his teleprompter!

Unfortunately, the event was staged as a one-off so Dems could showcase the differences with Republicans and try to unite their party to pass the deeply flawed health package.

It doesn’t have to end here. The format could and should be used for any hotly debated topic.

If nothing else, it forces the president to take criticism as well as dish it out. And the pooh-bahs in Congress have to pretend they’re listening to a voice that’s not their own.

$pare the Rodham, spoil the secretary

DO as she says, not as she does.

Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton appeared before Congress to rail against the size of the federal deficit and urge that overall spending be cut. In the next breath, she defended her request for an increase of $4.9 billion, nearly 10 percent, in her budget, and plans for a glitzy new embassy in London.

Goldman’s hacks

IS Goldman Sachs the devil or just a scapegoat? Much of the wrath at Wall Street is aimed at the firm’s stratospheric profits and bonuses, and now there is international outrage over its dealings with Greece. It’s accused of helping the government improperly hide its debts, then using the secret info to make big bets Greece’s bonds would tank, which they did.

If Goldman bankers did all of that, they’re definitely the devil.

Pelosi’s not so sorry, Charlie

HEADLINE the other day: “Rangel ruling puts Pelosi in a jam.” Gee, that’s not fair. Just because the House speaker promised to drain the swamp of corruption doesn’t mean she actually has to do it. Besides, how is Charlie Rangel, a mere chairman of a major House panel, supposed to know who paid for his Carib bean junkets? After all, he was so busy cheating on his taxes, he didn’t have time to ask.