Many lawmakers in both parties are impressed by Gov. Cuomo’s first- term efforts thus far. This former legislator agrees — up to a point. I’ll have to give his freshman legislative session a B-plus.
The 2011 session — drawn out four extra days as the governor negotiated with legislative leaders over the final pieces of his “people’s agenda” — drew to a dramatic climax with the Senate’s 11th-hour passage of Cuomo’s signature Marriage Equality Act.
But that final rush also contained my first disappointment: Cuomo’s decision to introduce major legislation (rent control, pension reform, rational SUNY tuition, etc.) in the session’s waning days.
Those matters deserved serious public debate; instead, they were negotiated behind closed doors. Having argued for open, transparent government, Cuomo wound up finishing with business as usual.
There’s no doubt he was effective: “No other governor has achieved what Cuomo has simply by co-opting the Republican agenda,” confided one Democrat.
Indeed, I’d predicted back in January that his embrace of low taxes, smaller government and competition would make it hard for Majority Leader Dean Skelos or any Republican to challenge his agenda for change.
But some wonder if Cuomo was ambitious enough. Another legislator tells me Cuomo missed a major opportunity to push the envelope on pension reform by replacing the current defined-benefits program with a hybrid that also includes defined-contribution elements, like the one Utah recently enacted — that is, making public employees’ pensions more like the 401(k) systems that most taxpayers must make do with.
Others question Cuomo’s decision to expend his political capital on legalizing same-sex marriage rather than, say, taking serious action on mandate relief. Without that relief, local governments may find it impossible to cope with the governor’s tax cap.
But how much should we ask? Cuomo followed up his “UnDemocrat” embrace of low taxes, smaller government and competition with action, working with legislative leaders to deliver an on-time state budget that to everyone’s surprise reduced spending, kept taxes low and reduced the state workforce.
But truthfully, Cuomo’s success in delivering an on-time budget was abetted by Gov. David Paterson’s work last year — his unprecedented use of his powers, even as a lame duck, to force his budgetary priorities on a recalcitrant Legislature.
Indeed, Cuomo’s first-year agenda read like Paterson 2.0 — from same-sex marriage and ethics reform to cutting profligate government spending and winning givebacks in state union contracts. Paterson broached each of those issues — and even won the Tier V pension reform.
None of which detracts from Cuomo’s accomplishments. He is that special kind of leader who can step into the breach and have others follow. His adept knowledge of party politics, public policy and government equipped him to change Albany’s political culture.
He’s also shown an ability to go both to his right (property-tax cap; no new taxes) and to his left (rent-law renewal; gay marriage).
What a change: During a decade-and-one-half of George Pataki’s ennui, Eliot Spitzer’s bully tactics and Paterson’s lame-duck status, the Legislature found ways to reassert its status as a co-equal branch of government. But the seemingly constant corruption indictments, rising taxes and economic downturn undermined the public’s confidence in Albany.
But Albany observers know that the first year usually goes to the new governor as the legislative leaders feel him out. Will the change hold up?
The year isn’t over yet. Cuomo will spend the next six months preparing for his second act. Yet again, he’ll need to make his case to the people and lay out plans that will truly be owned by him.
Michael Benjamin retired from the As sembly last year after eight years repre senting a Bronx district.