Libya’s civil war ended last August, after a US-led NATO force helped rebels overthrow the 42-year dictatorship of Moammar Khadafy. But true peace depends on efforts to create a new government.
Since the revolution, Libya has been governed by the Interim National Transitional Council, or NTC, which is trying to administer normal governmental activities and prepare for elections set for June 20. The elections are to establish a General National Congress, a 200-member body charged with creating a new constitution.
Having just spent two weeks in Libya, advising political parties and potential candidates on democratic processes, I can attest to the great hopes which ordinary Libyans have for the future. The people are relieved that their long nightmare is over.
Under Khadafy and his henchmen, Libyans lived in a pervasively corrupt police state, made possible by the oil wealth which has been both a blessing and a curse to this nation of 6 million.
Khadafy stories abound of how a citizen’s chance meetings with the dictator or his circle could result in economic advancement or imprisonment. Systematic brutality was routine in matters small and large — a form of mass psychological torture that affected virtually the entire nation.
Recovering from these collective wounds won’t be easy. Democracy, with all its imperfections, would be a great help — but the road ahead is not smooth.
The country has no history of free elections, so people have little sense of how a democratic political process should work. Distressingly, the mechanics of the election law have not yet been settled, despite the impending elections.
And Libyan political parties are latecomers to the process — yet no modern democratic government has succeeded without such groups.
The NTC’s initial election law didn’t even contemplate a role for parties, and even now they haven’t gotten the go-ahead to open bank accounts to fund their campaigns.
Even in political circles, most people have little conception of private fund-raising to pay for campaign activities and some believe the government should fund the parties — oblivious to the potential that such funding would inevitably lead to government control.
Voter registration has barely begun and there is no assurance that voter lists will be made public, allowing candidates and parties to make direct pitches. Candidate lists will be completed just days before the election, giving voters little opportunity to familiarize themselves with individual candidates and their priorities.
Despite all these hurdles, the election for the constitutional assembly will be a major step for Libyans, and heavy turnout seems likely.
It’s also likely that religious-oriented parties, such as Justice and Development, aligned with the Muslim Brotherhood, will do well. Other parties, led by prominent figures such as Dr. Mohamed Al-Magariaf (who spent decades in exile opposing Khadafy) and former Prime Minister Mahmaod Jabril, should also command significant support.
Creating a constitutional framework for a modern Libya is no small task. In a nation with absolutely no democratic tradition, many are likely to lose patience with the cumbersome pace of democracy. The general expectation is that, with the tyrant gone, problems can be easily solved. And many Libyans believe that oil wealth entitles them to lavish governmental benefits.
Invariably, in competing for votes, candidates will make promises for spending beyond the capacity of even an oil-rich nation. Adding to this recipe for trouble is a long tradition of corruption, plus an expectation that political support should be reimbursed by favoritism.
Happily, there are plenty of positives: The country is blessed with many individuals with significant educational and technical skills, including a fair number who’ve returned from exile in the United States and Europe. Proceeds from an abundance of natural resources could pay for much-needed infrastructure, from roads and sewage treatment to education and health-care systems.
The United States needs to pay attention to Libya’s nascent democracy, with which we have a real opportunity to develop extensive economic and political ties. There is no time to waste.
John J. Faso, a partner with the law firm of Manatt Phelps & Phillips, LLP, was Republican candidate for governor of New York in 2006 and a former minority leader of the state Assembly.