Opinion

Hamas’ reckoning

TEL AVIV — It looks like Egypt’s new government has had enough of Hamas, the Muslim Brotherhood offshoot that has ruled the Gaza Strip since a 2007 coup.

On Nov. 11, the ninth anniversary of Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat’s death, an Internet-mobilized protest campaign called Tamaroud will kick off in Gaza. The group is based off of Egypt’s Tamaroud movement, which enabled the ousting of Egypt’s President Mohammad Morsi, and similarly aims to topple Hamas.

For six years, Hamas has succeeded in crushing Gazan dissent before it can make international headlines. But this time is different. Gaza’s Tamaroud not only boasts tens of thousands of diverse and committed supporters, but also has the backing of the Arab world’s largest nation, whose powerful military is already choking Gaza’s economy with no intention of easing its grip.

Tensions with Egypt’s new government have gotten so bad that local media have reported rumors of an impending Egyptian military incursion under the banner of counterterrorism. That seems far-fetched — not least because Egypt’s nonmilitary measures may well be enough to end Hamas’ rule.

The Egyptian military’s crackdown on smugglers and Islamists in the Sinai Peninsula has closed most of the smuggling tunnels into Gaza — down to below 20, from an estimated 1,200 tunnels before Morsi’s fall.

The end of smuggling has cost Gaza’s economy hundreds of millions of dollars a month, with government revenues down by a third. In August, nearly a quarter of Hamas’ 50,000 civil servants didn’t get their full pay, a number expected to grow as the economy deteriorates. And the loss of cheap fuel has caused even longer lines at gas stations, kept fishing trawlers docked in Gaza City’s harbor and increased power rationing by the Strip’s sole power plant, threatening blackouts up to 16 hours a day.

The Egyptian military’s reason for closing the tunnels and the border is simple: Hamas and other militants in Gaza are helping supporters of ousted President Morsi in waging a campaign of terrorism against the Egyptian state.

And Hamas isn’t just an offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood movement; it has also long acted openly as a proxy for Iran — a decades-long rival of Egypt, and now an embodiment of everything that Egypt’s secular, Western-sympathetic military opposes.

Plus, Hamas’ insistence on smuggling in thousands of rockets and weapons to combat Israel has greatly destabilized the Sinai, turning much of the Bedouin population against the Egyptian state in favor of Islamic extremism or organized crime.

Egypt’s new government has made no secret of its disdain for Hamas. On numerous occasions, officials have stated that Hamas’ arch-rival Fatah party, which dominates the Palestinian Authority, is the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinians.

Meanwhile, cooperation between Gaza’s Tamaroud movement and its influential Egyptian counterpart has blossomed. Leaders of the two movements have held numerous high-profile meetings, with Cairo hosting the majority of the Gaza Tamaroud’s activities outside Gaza, beyond the preying hands of Hamas’ troops.

Ironically, Hamas’ dire straits have raised fears in Israel of a dangerous security vacuum in the Gaza Strip. Last month, the Israeli Defense Force’s Southern Command chief told the press that a delegation had been sent to Cairo urging Egypt’s generals to ease up on Hamas. The IDF reportedly fears desperation might lead Hamas to allow fringe jihadist groups to resume firing rockets into Israel, provoking a larger conflict.

Not that Hamas will ever make peace with Israel. On Oct. 7, the IDF uncovered a Hamas-built mile-long tunnel into Israel, plainly intended for terrorist attacks.

With the clock ticking down to Nov. 11, Hamas has been cracking down, rounding up dozens of suspected activists and closing down independent media outlets.

Despite mounting economic isolation, there is serious little talk amongst Hamas’ leadership of reconciling with Fatah, which would meet a longstanding demand of the Gaza’s isolated residents. Hamas’ ideology leaves it firmly opposed to ongoing efforts to reach a comprehensive peace agreement with Israel — though this would vastly improve regional stability and the well-being of Palestinians.

So perhaps it wouldn’t be such a bad thing for Egypt’s military to capitalize on popular anger and help cast Hamas’ rule in Gaza into the dustbin of history.

Daniel Nisman is the Middle East intelligence director at Max Security Solutions, a geopolitical-risk consulting firm.